1979, Manager Kim is Inheriting Dictatorship! - Chapter 100



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Episode 100

The Unification Union has approximately 2 million members.

It was a huge number.

Of course, just because the union announced its support, it didn’t mean all 2 million of them would vote, but the support from the country’s largest union meant a lot.

And it wasn’t just the labor union that supported Kim Jong-guk.

The heads of several large corporations, including Hyundai Heavy Industries and Samjung, have made declarations one after another.

In particular, Chairman Yoo Geon-ho’s declaration of support came as quite a shock to people.

“I, Yoo Gun-ho, believe that President Kim Jung-guk should assume the presidency once again for the development of the Republic of Korea as well as the development of Samjeong. Up until now, Samjeong has kept a distance from politics. However, this time, I have decided to step forward because I think I should be of help to candidate Kim Jung-guk. Please join us in helping candidate Kim Jung-guk lead the Republic of Korea once again.”

People were witnessing a rare sight, something not seen anywhere else in the world, where the CEO of a large corporation and a union simultaneously declared their support.

But apart from these, the pursuit of candidate Lee Hae-chang was more intense than expected.

Despite the support from so many people, candidate Lee Hae-chang’s competitiveness was stronger than expected.

Prestigious university.

Passed the bar exam.

chancellor.

A large image.

Although he may have lacked a bit of friendly charm, he had a Bao-Qing-Tian-like image.

Now that South Korea has developed enough to develop, there are more people who prefer conservative policies rather than bold reform policies, and for them, Lee Hae-chang is an extremely attractive presidential candidate.

Of course, that doesn’t mean that President Kim Jong-guk gave up his top spot in the opinion polls.

However, with 10 days left until the election, the results of the opinion poll showed significant numbers for the opposition party.

Kim Jung-guk 62.4%, Lee Hae-chang 36.6%.

The gap in approval ratings is 25.8%.

Clearly, this difference was not a small amount.

But the Gongmin Party was encouraged.

Since President Kim Jung-guk took office, it was the first time in a while that the opposition party had a support rate of over 35%, even in opinion polls, so it couldn’t have been helped.

In the last presidential election, candidate Yeo Dong-guk’s approval rating was only a little over 7%.

It was a truly miserable performance, to the point where it was difficult to raise one’s head as the main opposition party.

However, Lee Hae-chang was creating a system for such a resonant party and gradually restoring it.

Lee Hae-chang was definitely on a different track from Yeo Dong-guk, who tried to gain popularity by aggravating regional sentiments.

Lee Hae-chang was slowly but surely changing the sick and disorganized Gongmyeongdang in a healthy direction.

* * *

“We need to create a policy research institute right away. The bills proposed by the Gongmin Party right now are not well-thought out compared to the bills proposed by the Liberty Korea Party, and they are just proposing bills that are made in a haphazard manner! We too need to create a policy research institute like the Liberty Korea Party and study policies!”

At the first party meeting held as soon as Lee Hae-chang became the party leader, he spoke strongly about the need for a policy research institute.

One of the members of the National Assembly looked as if something was not right.

“Representative, is it really necessary to do that? Even if we propose a bill, the Korean Party will not pass it anyway, so do we really need to spend a lot of money and people to create something like that?”

“That’s right. That can be done later after becoming the majority party.”

It was a pathetic remark that they were asking why they were making such things when it costs money and people and the bills they made would not be passed anyway.

As soon as Lee Hae-chang heard this pitiful sound, he exploded.

“Isn’t that why we always lose elections? Regardless of whether the bills pass or not, we don’t do any research on the bills or policies we propose, and we just create things that are suitable for popularity without any thought, and that’s why this party has been like that up until now!”

Lee Hae-chang’s voice becomes louder and rougher.

Overwhelmed by his charisma, the two lawmakers who had voiced their complaints become quiet.

But another lawmaker objects.

“Ha, but isn’t it the same for the Liberty Korea Party and President Kim to propose bills to gain popularity?”

CEO Lee Hae-chang sighs and says.

“Ha, have you ever really looked at the bills or policies that they put out? As a judge and a jurist, I have compared the policies and bills of both parties countless times. And from what I have seen, the level of the two parties is so low that it is embarrassing to compare!”

He shouts, raising his voice even higher.

“They say that the Korean Party spends more than three months researching bills at its policy research institute before proposing them! But our party, without any consideration, simply proposes bills based on a few members talking amongst themselves. There are policies that policy experts and legal scholars have studied for months, and bills that are just improvised. It’s obvious which bill will be more elaborate!”

Everyone becomes quiet.

Even though it was only his first day as party leader, in just a few dozen minutes he was already outlining what the party’s problems were and how to solve them.

And a week later.

The first policy research institute of the Gongmyeong Party is launched.

The name is Resonance Research Institute.

It was a research institute created by 30 legal scholars and 30 policy experts.

Although it was a shabby organization compared to the Liberty Korea Party’s Korea Policy Research Institute, the Gongmin Party was now emerging as a powerful opposition party.

* * *

However, candidate Lee Hae-chang’s pursuit ended in pursuit.

He didn’t have enough time to show anything more.

Before we knew it, voting day was approaching, and the results were as expected.

“Kim Jung-guk, the candidate of the Korean National Party, is certain to win with 67.3%! Lee Hae-chang is currently at 31.6%.”

I spoke to Representative Min, who was sitting next to me in the election office situation room, watching the results.

“This candidate did quite well.”

Representative Min shakes his head as he speaks.

“This is not the time to be too relaxed, Mr. President. Candidate Lee Hae-chang’s pursuit has been fierce.”

Even though the approval rating was better than the opinion polls, Representative Min seemed to be disappointed with the 67% of the votes this time, compared to the 90% he received last time.

I reassured him.

“Don’t worry. I’m not being lax. However, the Gongmin Party is also a political party of the Republic of Korea. If they grow in a positive direction, it won’t be bad for the Republic of Korea. Of course, our Liberty Korea Party will have to do better than that.”

Representative Min spoke to me with a still dissatisfied expression.

“I thought there was no way the election would be lost. In the first place, the current approval rating for the government is over 80%. In fact, if you think about the approval rating for the government, the current voter turnout is low. However, I am worried because the Komeito Party seems to be gaining ground after the presidential election, unlike before.”

“The opposition party also needs to find its place now. We can’t do everything on our own forever, right?”

Representative Min sighs and says.

“Ha, that may be true, but I don’t know what the President will do, but it’s a little different from the perspective of leading the party.”

I comforted him and said,

“Don’t worry. Representative Min will do well. As time goes by, he will do better than me.”

“… Thank you. However, I feel a little burdened when I hear such words from you, Mr. President. No matter how well I do, can I do as well as you, Mr. President?”

When he hears the compliment, his expression relaxes a little.

But at the same time, the burden seemed considerable.

“Don’t worry too much. Representative Min is a better person than he thinks he is.”

“Yes. I will do my best.”

Before I knew it, it was already past 11pm.

I had to start moving slowly to express my thoughts on being elected.

The executive secretary comes and talks to me.

“Mr. President, it is time for you to leave now.”

“Is it like that already? Then let’s get moving.”

He goes down to the bottom of the building to announce his acceptance speech at the election office.

The election office is in Mapo.

It takes some time to get to Gwanghwamun, so you should take a car.

While I was preparing the vehicle, Representative Min asked me a question.

“Mr. President, are you going to write your own speech this time too?”

“Yes, that’s right. If a president can’t even write a few lines of speech to the nation, shouldn’t he be removed? What good would it do for someone who doesn’t have his own thoughts to sit in the political seat?”

“The President is too strict. If he really does that, there won’t be many members left in our party.”

“Is that so? Haha. But isn’t it possible for Representative Min?”

As I was smiling and trying to get into the car, the empty lot across from the car caught my eye.

I stopped getting into the car and asked Representative Min.

“Representative Min, what is that land? It looks like a good place, but it’s empty?”

Representative Min also tilts his head as if he doesn’t know.

“Well, I don’t know because my district is a bit far from here. But, it is really unique. Could you wait a moment?”

Representative Min runs to someone else for a moment and asks about the land.

‘That doesn’t have to be the case… … .’

I waited in front of the car for a while for him to return.

And when Representative Min returned for a moment, his face had a complicated expression.

“Why is the ground lying idle like that?”

“That, that… … .”

Representative Min can’t forget those words.

“What’s going on?”

Representative Min sighs deeply and says.

“Haa, they say this is a land of lawsuits… … .”

“A lawsuit? Are you fighting over an inheritance or something?”

“That’s not it… Mr. President. Shouldn’t you get in the car first? It’s getting late. I’ll call you later to tell you.”

Something is strange.

It seemed like he was trying to hide something.

I spoke to him with a slightly serious expression.

“Representative Min, you know my personality. Tell me quickly. What’s going on?”

Representative Min eventually gave up and told me the truth.

“Whew, they say that land itself belongs to Mapo-gu. However, they say that they haven’t been able to do anything about it for several years now because of a lawsuit with someone who claims ownership… … .”

“So who is it? Isn’t it because of the person who claimed ownership that you are hesitating so much?”

He sighs again and speaks in a resigned tone.

“Haa, they say he is a descendant of one of the Eulsa Five Traitors.”

“A descendant of the Eulsa Five Traitors? That doesn’t mean… … .”

“Yes, that’s right. It seems like he’s claiming ownership of the land his father acquired in exchange for his pro-Japanese activities… … .”