NIS Agents Tearing Up the Japanese Empire - Chapter 155



Only Krnovel

RISE(6)

Among the 38 members of the State Council of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea in Shanghai, the bill passed with 23 votes in favor and 15 against, but that did not mean that those who voted against accepted the result and moved on.

“Are you saying that we have no power to interfere in another country’s political fight?”

“When whales fight, the shrimp’s back gets broken. If we clumsily get involved in the fight, we will be the only ones to suffer.”

“If we provoke the Soviet Union, which is sitting still, and then face a backlash, do you think we can withstand that?”

“No matter how good the teacher’s advice is, this is a very dangerous plan.”

Those who opposed Noh Baek-rin’s plan vehemently opposed it, arguing that it would be of little help to the provisional government to interfere in the political struggles taking place in the huge country of the Soviet Union, and that it would only cause harm.

“And instead of supporting the most promising candidate right now, you’re supporting a stranger you’ve never heard of?”

“If Your Majesty really wants to intervene in this matter, you need to think more seriously about who to support.”

“Yes. We must not forget that this incident could determine the next 10 years, or perhaps even 100 years, of the Republic of Korea.”

The Soviet Union, commonly known as the USSR, the world’s first and only socialist republic, was in the midst of an underground political struggle as it was unable to decide who would inherit the banner of revolution after Lenin’s death.

Naturally, in this situation, mutual criticism is the norm. They spread groundless rumors or bring up even the smallest mistakes and publicize them in an attempt to discredit the other party.

If the appearance that is visible to the world is like this, the back side that is not known to the world is even worse.

Political assassinations were common, and political terror was rampant in large cities such as Moscow, Leningrad, and Tsaritsyn, the centers of the Soviet Union.

Those who were named as candidates for Lenin’s successor suffered numerous threats, including at least two or three assassination attempts.

The best of them all was Trotsky. As expected from a person with many enemies, he suffered from assassination threats wherever he went, but the more he did so, the more he increased his external activities, and in return, he was a madman who provoked those who tried to kill him.

Besides Trotsky, many others were mentioned as Lenin’s successors, including Stalin, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Bukharin, and Patyakov.

But if you ask the Soviet people right now, “Who do you think will succeed Lenin when he dies?” seven or eight out of ten will name Trotsky.

And the rest will be named by other people, and I guarantee you that Stalin’s name will hardly be among them.

However, the supreme leader of the Soviet Union, the world’s first socialist republic, was not elected by the citizens of the union.

The supreme leader of the Federation is elected by the support of the members of the Supreme Council of the Federation.

In that respect, ironically, it was Trotsky who was able to grasp the Soviet Union’s grand plan right away.

Trotsky had many enemies because of his straightforward and condescending speech and behavior, but that was only in public situations. In private, he was very gentlemanly, polite, and considerate, and he won people’s hearts.

There was a person there whose abilities were far superior to those of other competitors.

And what about Bukharin?

In terms of popularity alone, he is a figure with immense popularity that surpasses Trotsky, and he is a man of exceptional intelligence and eloquence who often argues with Lenin.

The other figures mentioned were also strong candidates within the Soviet Union.

But what about Stalin?

He had no notable achievements known to the outside world, and the only achievement that was not famous was that he led a war against Poland, which had just become independent, and ended up losing it.

“Are you saying we should push for that kind of person as our successor?”

“This is a fight that no one should look down on.”

“If you’re going to waste your money like that, why don’t you support the Korean Independence Army more, or at least send more to Dr. Lee in America?”

In particular, the opposition of the creative faction, who had expressed the opinion at the last National Assembly that the provisional government should be rejected and a new government should be formed, was fierce.

The creative party members, who had reformist and radical tendencies, were the ones who wanted to destroy the provisional government that advocated diplomatic independence and form a new government that could engage in full-scale armed struggle.

These people, who were originally supposed to have fled the provisional government en masse, remained in the provisional government because the government’s financial situation had improved and even become affluent with the appearance of this teacher, and at the same time, the independence army in Manchuria had also begun to gain strength in earnest.

In this situation, escaping from the provisional government and forming a new government was no different from an act of treason that would have drained the strength of the allies, so everyone decided to calm their discontent for the time being, take a step back, and cooperate with the reformist and status quoist lawmakers.

Of course, even so, from their perspective, Syngman Rhee, who had stirred up controversy over the international mandate, was a person they would not feel satisfied with even if he were beaten to death right away.

The fact that such people would rather send the money to Syngman Rhee than waste it on the Soviet Union shows how extreme the opposition was.

On the other hand, people like Ahn Chang-ho, Kim Gu, and Lee Si-young thought like this.

“I have never met a person called Stalin, but if this teacher, who has shown insight over the years, is a person who strongly pushes for it, I think it is worth considering.”

“It’s not like the owner of the money ‘ordered’ you to do something like that, he just ‘requested’ you something, so wouldn’t it be possible to grant it once?”

“Don’t worry too much, even if you give us some money, it won’t make the slightest difference to our finances. This Minister of Finance will guarantee that.”

Logically, it was a slightly weaker answer than the opposing side’s opinion, but it was an answer that was somewhat acceptable within the provisional government.

The person who made it possible for these people to live like this in Shanghai was this teacher.

That person asked for support, and since it coincided with the Provisional Government’s tone, it was the first time that Mr. Lee and I had the same opinion and wanted to handle the matter, thinking that it would be good for both sides, so the nuance was, why were you all so opposed to it?

“You know very well that it doesn’t matter how much money you spend now!”

“If we’re not careful, the Soviet Union’s anger could be directed at us! Why are you turning your eyes away from such a simple proposition?”

The creative faction, especially some members of the Koryo Communist Party, were the most vehement in their opposition.

They were extremely afraid of even touching the Soviet Union.

Those people knew that the Soviet Union was the world’s first and only socialist country, and that any attempt to touch it would inevitably backfire.

Naturally, their appearance grated on Kim Gu’s nerves, who frowned and clenched his fists at any communist.

“I don’t know why the Soviet Union is so great that they are so scared.”

“What?!”

“What’s wrong with what I said? Even if it’s just the Japanese who pass through this teacher’s hands, they’re circling around in front of our building, trying to bite their own tails, thinking they’re enemies.”

“Japan and the Soviet Union are different. How can someone like the Chief of Police not know that…?”

“Different? What’s different?”

“It’s different. The Soviet Union had a much larger territory than the Japanese Empire, and it had a huge amount of human resources and natural resources buried in its vast territory… … .”

“Its predecessor, the Russian Empire, was a third-rate country even in Europe. On the other hand, the Japanese Empire that we are dealing with is a powerful country that is treated as a second-rate power even in Europe.”

Kim Gu criticized those who fought against Japan, asking why they were afraid of the Soviet Union.

“And what can the Soviet Union do to us? How can we do it? Honestly, what can we do to the Shanghai government so that we can suffer?”

“that…….”

Even the creationist lawmakers couldn’t answer that.

As Kim Gu said, the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea in Shanghai had nothing to lose.

Now that the National Representative Conference has been concluded and the internal discontent has been somewhat quelled, all the provisional government has is the thick bag of money that Mr. Lee had given it, the shabby old government building, and the soon-to-be-completed new government building.

“Is there anyone here who is afraid of death?”

In response to Kim Gu’s question, Ahn Chang-ho, who was an anti-Syngman Rhee faction member and had been in fierce opposition to Kim Gu, who was a member of Syngman Rhee’s faction at the time of the National Assembly, smiled and answered immediately.

“I left Joseon a long time ago and left my life there, so why should I fear death?”

“I see.”

Even if things went wrong and things went wrong anyway, the end result was that people died.

But no one here fears death.

Kim Gu’s answer was that since he had nothing to lose, he had nothing to fear no matter what he did.

“… … Then, wouldn’t it be better to use that spirit against Japan rather than the Soviet Union?”

“Since this is what the teacher asked for, this must be part of a plot against the Japanese.”

Ahn Chang-ho accepted Kim Gu’s words.

“If we support a man named Stalin and he rises to a high position, then in the future, the diplomatic relationship between South Korea and the Soviet Union could be horizontal rather than vertical.”

And Lee Si-young finished it off.

“Anyway, I agree with what this teacher says. The money he gave me is more than what the people here have earned. How could I not believe it?”

The conference room quickly became noisy as other pro-choice ministers added their remarks.

But both sides, proponents and opponents, agreed on one major proposition.

‘If this teacher from Gyeongseong is like that, he must have some ideas.’

The provisional government officials who had been greatly helped by him knew that he was not a man who talked nonsense or planned strange things.

That is why the proponents also supported him, putting aside their differences, and the opposition did not only oppose him.

“What are you all talking about so excitedly?”

“?”

At that time.

The conference room door opened and a handsome gentleman dressed from head to toe entered the room.

“After he entered Joseon and escaped, he became so quiet that I thought he had been shot by the Japanese and died, but he is still alive.”

“It’s not easy to take a human life from a body. Well, I feel good that I can meet such great people again.”

“?”

Kim Gu frowned again and clicked his tongue lightly as if he recognized the intruder who had barged into the conference room.

But some people tilted their heads and asked, as if they didn’t know who he was.

“who……?”

Then, the handsome gentleman naturally pulled out a chair in the conference room, sat down, took off his hat, and placed it on his lap.

“I’m sorry for the late introduction. I’m Kim Won-bong from Miryang.”

“Kim Won-bong.”

“I thought you died when you entered Joseon?”

Kim Won-bong smiled with both arms spread wide.

“Voila. Alive.”

“You’re still an elusive person.”

“I hear that a lot.”

Kim Gu grumbled and asked Kim Won-bong whether he liked him or not.

“What brings you here? Didn’t the Uiyoldan decide to operate in Beijing?”

“That was my original intention. But I have some urgent news to tell you.”

“tidings?”

Kim Won-bong took a pack of cigarettes out of his pocket.

It was the cigarette I received from this teacher the other day.

“There’s only one left.”

Then he put the last remaining cigarette in his mouth, lit it with the lighter the teacher had given him, took a delicious drag, and spit it out again.

“Phew… … .”

“Have you come here to smoke a cigarette? You ask what news you have to tell us.”

“Just wait a moment. Shouldn’t we burn incense on the altar?”

“Ancestral rites table?”

Kim Won-bong threw a newspaper on the table.

On the front page of the Chosun Ilbo he threw away, it was written in large letters like this.

[Going to the Ghost Hell of Gyeongseong!]

NIS Agent Tears the Japanese Empire Episode 156